Our blog tracks Jose Arguelles' Dreamspell Calendar. "As chaos and confusion rise, galactic consciousness based on the Law of Time serves as planetary medicine, lifting us into the awareness that we exist within a higher, more expanded realm of existence than the world of third-dimensional form and appearance. Daily practice will elevate consciousness and increase experiences of synchronicity." (Arguelles)
Pueblo women baking bread in a horno on Ysleta del Sur Pueblo.
Ysleta del Sur Pueblo (also Tigua Pueblo) is a Puebloan Native American tribal entity in the Ysleta section of El Paso, Texas. Its members are Southern Tiwa people who had been displaced from Spanish New Mexico in 1680-1681 during the Pueblo Revolt against the Spaniards.
In Spanish the people and language are called Tigua (pronounced tiwa). They have maintained a tribal identity and lands in Texas. Spanish replaced the indigenous language in the early 1900s, and today, English is increasingly gaining ground in the community.
For almost 40 years the Pueblo has owned and operated tribal businesses that provide employment for its members and the El Paso community. These businesses include the Speaking Rock Entertainment Center, Big Bear Oil Co., Inc., and the Tigua Indian Cultural Center. The tribe employs approximately 400 individuals.
As part of the Indian termination policy followed by the federal government from the 1940s through the 1960s, the Tigua became the last tribe formally terminated. On 12 April 1968, under Public Law 90–287 82 Stat. 93 the United States Congress relinquished all responsibility for the Tiwa Indians of Ysleta, Texas to the State of Texas. The Tiwa Indians Act specified that tribal members would be ineligible for any services, claims or demands from the United States as Indians.
Public Law 100-89, 101 STAT. 666 was enacted 18 August 1987 and restored the federal relationship with the tribe simultaneously with those of the Alabama-Coushatta Tribe. The restoration act renamed the tribe to the Ysleta Del Sur Pueblo, repealed the Tiwa Indians Act, and specifically prohibited all gaming activities prohibited by the laws of the state of Texas.
The legislation of the United States Congress restored eligibility to receive services from the federal government to this group, the southernmost tribe of the Pueblo peoples. In addition, the state of Texas recognized the tribe. Two other tribes in Texas also have federal and state recognition. In April 2008, the Tribal Census Department reported 1,615 enrolled member.* *https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ysleta_del_Sur_Pueblo
EB
Kin 132: Yellow Lunar Human
I polarize in order to influence
Stabilizing wisdom
I seal the process of free will
With the lunar tone of challenge
I am guided by the power of flowering.
All of the ever-present "nows" that ever existed are happening in this ever-present now.*
*Star Traveler's 13 Moon Almanac of Synchronicity, Galactic Research Institute, Law of Time Press, Ashland, Oregon, 2015-2016.
Chaiwa, a Tewa girl with a butterfly whorl hairstyle,
photographed by Edward S. Curtis in 1922.
The Tewa (or Tano) are a linguistic group of Pueblo Native Americans who speak the Tewa language and share the Pueblo culture. Their homelands are on or near the Rio Grande in New Mexico north of Santa Fe. They comprise the following communities:
The Arizona Tewa, descendants of those who fled the Second Pueblo Revolt of 1680-1692, live on the Hopi Reservation in Arizona, mostly in Tewa Village and Polacca on the First Mesa.
Tewa (also known as Tano) is one of five Tanoan languages spoken by the Pueblo people of New Mexico. Though these five languages are closely related, speakers of one cannot fully understand speakers of another (similar to German and Dutch speakers). The six Tewa-speaking pueblos are Nambe, Pojoaque, San Ildefonso, San Juan, Santa Clara, and Tesuque.
As with Tiwa, Towa and Keres, there is some disagreement among the Tewa people as to whether Tewa should be a written language or not. Some Pueblo elders feel that Tewa languages should be preserved by oral traditions alone. However, many Tewa speakers have decided that Tewa literacy is important for passing the language on to the children. The Tewa pueblos developed their own orthography (spelling system) for their language, San Juan Pueblo has published a dictionary of Tewa, and today there are Tewa language programs teaching children to read and write in most of the Tewa-speaking pueblos.
In 1988, the total enrolled membership of the New Mexico Tewa reservation populations was 4,546. Individual pueblo enrollments were San Juan Pueblo, 1,936; Santa Clara Pueblo, 1,253; San Ildefonso Pueblo, 556; Tesuque Pueblo, 329; Pojoaque Pueblo, 76; and Nambe Pueblo, 396. In 1975, there were 625 enrolled Hopi-Tewa at Hano. Most Tewa live on or near their home pueblo, but others live in urban areas throughout the United States. In 1630, or about ninety years after Spanish contact, there were about 2,200 Tewa living in the six New Mexico pueblos. In 1900 an estimated 1,200 Tewa lived on these reservations.
Tewa culture shares many features with other Southwest Pueblos and derives from the pre-Pueblo peoples and cultures known as Anasazi, whose origins are found in archaeological sites at Mesa Verde in southwestern Colorado and extend southward following the courses of the upper Rio Grande and Chama Rivers in New Mexico and the San Juan River in Arizona. In 1598, the Spanish conquistador Juan de Oñate established the Spanish capital of New Mexico at Yungue, a Tewa village located across the river from San Juan Pueblo. The capital was subsequently moved to San Juan Pueblo. From this locale, Oñate and his men subjected the Tewa and other Pueblo peoples to extraordinarily harsh rule in an attempt to force their conversion to Catholicism. Missions were established in all the pueblos. The capital was moved to Santa Fe in 1609 when Pedro de Peralta replaced Oñate. By 1680, the Pueblo peoples had developed a plan to remove the yoke of colonial oppression, successfully forcing the Spanish south of the Rio Grande in the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. In 1692, Diego de Vargas began the reconquest of the Pueblos, securely reestablishing Santa Fe as the Spanish capital in 1694. In 1696, a second Pueblo revolt occurred but was quickly put down. Apache and Navajo raids for food and captives, which had increased during this period, intensified and soon the Pueblos were taking advantage of Spanish military assistance.
When Mexico gained independence from Spain, Christianized Indians were granted citizenship. In 1858, when the United States acquired New Mexico and other Southwestern regions, the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo promised citizenship to all Mexican citizens of the region who wished it, Including the Pueblos. In 1912, it was necessary for the Pueblo of San Juan to sue the U.S. government in order to gain the status of American Indian so that native land and water rights and religious and individual rights could be protected. Hispanic and Anglo-Americans had moved onto Pueblo lands, and many Pueblos had lost their best agricultural areas. In 1920, the United States established the Pueblo Lands Board to settle disputed claims. Eventually, the Tewa gained full citizenship status while retaining indigenous rights to land, water, and religious expression, which, however, have most often been secured only through litigation in federal courts.* *https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tewa
CHUEN
Kin 131: Blue Magnetic Monkey
I unify in order to play
Attracting illusion
I seal the process of magic
With the magnetic tone of purpose
I am guided by my own power doubled.
Everything that appears is a passing, ephemeral manifestation, and yet it represents some deeper construct or value of another dimension.*
*Star Traveler's 13 Moon Almanac of Synchronicity, Galactic Research Institute, Law of Time Press, Ashland, Oregon, 2015-2016.
The mission built by the Manso still exists and is located in downtown Ciudad Juarez, Mexico.
The Manso Indians are an indigenous people who lived along the Rio Grande, near Las Cruces, New Mexico, from the 16th to the 17th century, and were the one of the groups settled at the Guadalupe Mission in what is now Cd. Juarez, Mexico. Some of their descendants remain in the area to this day. The Mansos were semi-nomadic hunter-gatherers who practiced little if any agriculture although farming Indians lived both upstream and downstream from them. They had a life style similar to the Suma and Concho Indians who lived nearby. Only a few words of their language were recorded. Various theories have been put forth concerning the relationship of their language, including that they spoke a Uto-Aztecan, Tanoan, or Athabaskan (Apache) language. The scant facts about their language indicate that they spoke the same language as the Jano and Jocome peoples who lived to their west. The evidence that exists indicates they spoke a Uto-Aztecan language related to the Cahitan languages of northwestern Mexico. The first account of the Mansos is from the expedition of Spanish explorer Antonio de Espejo in January 1583. Traveling up the Rio Grande in search of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico, Espejo encountered a people he called Tampachoas below El Paso. "We found a great number of people living near some lagoons through the midst of which the Rio del Norte [Rio Grande] flows. These people, who must have numbered more than a thousand men and women, and who were settled in their rancherias and grass huts, came out to receive us…Each one brought us his present of mesquite bean…fish of many kinds, which are very plentiful in these lagoons, and other kinds of food…During the three days and nights we were there they continually performed …dances in their fashion, as well as after the manner of the Mexicans." However, The Chamuscado and Rodriguez Expedition had passed by the same lagoons in July 1581 and had found them uninhabited. The inference is that the Manso were nomadic, living only part of the year along the Rio Grande and passing the remainder of the year hunting and gathering food in the surrounding deserts and mountains. They seemed to have lived along the Rio Grande from El Paso northward to Las Cruces, New Mexico and in the nearby mountains. They may have shared their range with the Suma who's history parallels closely. Espejo's Tampachoas were probably the same people who Juan de Oñate found in the same area fifteen years later in May 1598 and called Mansos. Onate and his large expedition forded the Rio Grande near Socorro, Texas assisted by 40 "manxo" Indians. Manso meant “gentle" or "docile" in Spanish. Their name for themselves is unknown. In 1630, a Spanish priest described the Mansos as people "who do not have houses, but rather pole structures. Nor do they sow; they do not dress in anything particular; but all are nude and only the women cover themselves from the waist down with deer skins." In 1663, a Spaniard said of them, "The nation of Manso Indians is so barbarous and uncultivated that all its members go naked and, although the country is very cold, they have no houses in which to dwell, but live under the trees, not even knowing how to till the land for their food." The Mansos were also said to eat fish and meat raw. But they were described somewhat favorably as "a robust people, tall, and with good features, although they take pride in bedaubing themselves with powder of different colors which makes them look very ferocious." During the 1660s, hundreds of Mansos had converted to Christianity. The Spanish established a mission among the Mansos but they were of minor concern until the 1680s when the survivors of the Pueblo Revolt in New Mexico took refuge in the new settlement of El Paso. In El Paso the Manso established close relations with the refugee Piro and Tiwa (Tigua) Indians. The stress on the region of supporting the 2,000 Spanish and Indian refugees was doubtless considerable and the Manso soon belied their “peaceful” name. The Manso living at the Mission may have been a minority of the tribe as they were also mentioned as being "trouble-makers" along with the Apaches and Sumas still living in the mountains and the deserts. In 1682, the Governor in El Paso reported that the Manso and the Suma had revolted and attacked Janos. On March 14, 1684, friendly Tiwas and Piros told the Governor Domingo Jironza Petriz de Cruzate of a Manso plot to kill all the Spaniards in El Paso. The Mansos were “tired of everything having to do with God and with the church, which is why they wanted to do what the Indians of New Mexico had done.” The Spanish took prisoners the ringleaders of the plot, who included an Apache and a Quivira Indian (probably a Wichita). Ten of them were executed and later, in November, the Spanish garrison of 60 men plus friendly Indians was used to attack a gathering of hostile Indians who apparently intended to carry out the plot. Following the revolt the Manso increasingly melted into the de-tribalized atmosphere of El Paso. Disease and Apache raids decimated their numbers, although many may have joined the Apache. By 1765, El Paso had 2,469 Spanish inhabitants and only 249 Indians, tribes unspecified. In 1883, however, Adolph Bandelier found a dozen families of Mansos living across the Rio Grande from El Paso. The Manso have survived as members of the combined Piro-Manso-Tiwa (PMT) tribe. In the 19th century members of the group migrated to Las Cruces, New Mexico from where members helped found the Pueblo of Guadalupe in 1910. There are two groups claiming descent from the Mission Indians of Paso del Norte who have applied for federal recognition as an Indian Tribe: the Piro/Manso/Tiwa Tribe of San Juan de Guadalupe and the Piro/Manso/Tiwa Tribe of Guadalupe. In 2000, there were 206 members of the PMT tribe of San Juan de Guadalupe.
OC
Kin 130: White Cosmic Dog
I endure in order to love
Transcending loyalty
I seal the process of heart
With the cosmic tone of presence
I am guided by the power of timelessness.
Telektonon is the distant, far -traveling code of information received from spirits and deities
dwelling within the Earth.*
*Star Traveler's 13 Moon Almanac of Synchronicity, Galactic Research Institute, Law of Time Press, Ashland, Oregon, 2015-2016.
Yumas. In: "United States and Mexican Boundary Survey. Report of William H. Emory…" Washington. 1857. Volume I.
The Quechan (or Yuma) (Quechan: Kwtsaan 'those who descended') are a Native American tribe who live on the Fort Yuma Indian Reservation on the lower Colorado River in Arizona and California just north of the Mexican border. Members are enrolled into the Quechan Tribe of the Fort Yuma Indian Reservation. The federally recognized Quechan tribe's main office is located in Fort Yuma, Arizona. Its operations and the majority of its reservation land are located in California, United States. The term Patayan is used by archaeologists to describe the prehistoric Native American cultures who inhabited parts of modern day Arizona, California and Baja California. These areas included territory near the Colorado River Valley, the nearby uplands, and north to the vicinity of the Grand Canyon. The prehistoric people may have been ancestral to the Quechan. They practiced floodplain agriculture where possible, but relied heavily on hunting and gathering. Subgroups include the River Yuman, Delta–Californian, and Upland California. The historic Yuman-speaking people in this region were skilled warriors and active traders, maintaining exchange networks with the Pima in southern Arizona and with peoples of the Pacific coast. The first significant contact of the Quechan with Europeans was with the Spanish explorer Juan Bautista de Anza and his party in the winter of 1774. Relations were friendly. On Anza's return from his second trip to Alta California in 1776, the chief of the tribe and three of his men journeyed to Mexico City to petition the Viceroy of New Spain for the establishment of a mission. The chief Palma and his three companions were baptized in Mexico City on February 13, 1777. Palma was given the Spanish baptismal name Salvador Carlos Antonio. Spanish settlement among the Quechan did not go smoothly; the tribe rebelled from July 17–19, 1781 and killed four priests and thirty soldiers. They also attacked and damaged the Spanish mission settlements of San Pedro y San Pablo de Bicuñer and Puerto de Purísima Concepción, killing many. The following year, the Spanish retaliated with military action against the tribe. After the United States annexed the territories after winning the Mexican-American War, it engaged in the Yuma War from 1850 to 1853. During which, the historic Fort Yuma was built across the Colorado River from the present day Yuma, Arizona. Estimates for the pre-contact populations of most native groups in California have varied substantially (see population of Native California). Alfred L. Kroeber (1925:883) put the 1770 population of the Quechan at 2,500. Jack D. Forbes (1965:341–343) compiled historical estimates and suggested that before they were first contacted, the Quechan had numbered 4,000 or a few more. Kroeber estimated the population of the Quechan in 1910 as 750. By 1950, there were reported to be just under 1,000 Quechan living on the reservation and another 1,100+ off it (Forbes 1965:343). The 2000 census reported a resident population of 2,376 persons on the Fort Yuma Indian Reservation, only 56.8 percent of whom said they were of solely Native American heritage. More than 27 percent identified as white.
MULUC
Kin 129: Red Crystal Moon
I dedicate in order to purify
Universalizing flow
I seal the process of universal water
With the crystal tone of cooperation
I am guided by the power of birth.
Consciousness exists independent of biology.*
*Star Traveler's 13 Moon Almanac of Synchronicity, Galactic Research Institute, Law of Time Press, Ashland, Oregon, 2015-2016.
The Qahatika (or Kohatk) were a Native American tribe of the Southwestern United States. They were apparently a sub-tribe of the Tohono O'Odham, and lived in the vicinity of present-day Quijotoa, Arizona. About forty miles due south of the Pima reservation, in five small villages, one sees a type of the true desert Indian — the Qahátika. When or why they separated from their Pima kindred on the Gila and wandered into this inhospitable desert is a question on which even Indian tradition is vague. Many years ago, they say, the Pima were living at Akichính, near the Picacho, when a large party of Apache made war on them and drove them away. The greater part went to the Gila and established the settlement at Sacaton; others, the ancestors of the Qahatika, went into the desert and made their homes there. One traversing this region would have cause to wonder how a human being could wrest from so barren a land the necessities of life. It is only the life of meager requirement that could exist here; fortunately it is a land of warmth and sunshine, requiring little clothing. In primitive days, when the struggle was hardest, the men wore merely a loin-cloth, and the women a short skirt of yucca fibre. By gleaning the whole desert of its plant and animal products they managed to eke out an existence, becoming in time not only satisfied, but quite attached to their desolate, inhospitable surroundings. When asked why they do not go to the river valleys, where they might have good farms and live in plenty, their answer is that their home is the best; that they do not have sickness as do the River Indians.
Their never-ending struggle with the hostile desert seems to have left its mark on the Qahatika and has made them as repellent as the thorny vegetation itself. No vestige of the courtesy of the Pima or the Papago is seen among them, and mentally they are decidedly inferior. Not only is this noticeable to the visitor, but it is recognized by the kindred tribes and accounted for by the Papago in their creation myth. They still depend mainly upon the natural food supply, such as mesquite pods and cactus fruits. In locating their villages they selected spots where the natural drainage of a large area concentrates, hence they depend wholly on storm water for their crops. Theirs might well be termed “dry farming.” If there is no natural rise of ground about their little fields, a low embankment is thrown up to retain the flood water of the winter rains. The soft, loose soil absorbs moisture to a great depth, and a few heavy winter rains assure the Qahatika of a fair crop. They plant wheat in December, and harvest in May or June. It is cut with the sickle, and threshed in the Southwestern mode, by driving horses over the loose grain spread on the ground.
In appearance and habits the Qahatika are almost identical with the Pima and the Papago. Though different materials are used in the making of their houses, the form is the same. Mesquite, cottonwood, and willow provide an abundance of building material for the river tribes, but these mid-desert lovers depend solely on the woody ribs of the giant cactus. When the cactus tree dies, the pulpy tissue desiccates, leaving what looks like a bundle of weather-bleached poles. One cannot help wondering how these Indians would have managed if Nature had made the giant cactus with a solid trunk. Here at the rock-strewn foot of the desert mountain, where scarcely any other form of vegetable life seems able to exist, provident Nature permits this variety of cactus to flourish, and to furnish unlimited quantities of food as well as material for the building of habitable houses. Qahatika handicraft shows considerable skill, particularly in pottery, many forms of which are made. All household utensils are of their own manufacture, besides which many small pieces are made for barter.
Some examples are evidently copies of commercial ware, but many show true primitive feeling in form as well as in decoration. These Indians model, polish the ware, burn it to its rich red color, then
decorate and re-burn it. The paint for decorating is obtained by boiling chips of mesquite wood to a syrup, which is applied with a brush made by chewing a strip of yucca leaf. In the burning, the painted designs turn a brilliant black, making a very pleasing contrast with the bright red color of the ware. The Qahatika also make many excellent baskets of the usual Pima form and designs.
www.wikipedia.com
www.worldwisdom.com
LAMAT
Kin 128: Yellow Spectral Star
I dissolve in order to beautify
Releasing art
I seal the store of elegance
With the spectral tone of liberation
I am guided by my own power doubled.
Thinking layers are strata in the ocean of consciousness which interpenetrate various dimensions.*
*Star Traveler's 13 Moon Almanac of Synchronicity, Galactic Research Institute, Law of Time Press, Ashland, Oregon, 2015-2016.
The Karankawa Indians were a group of Indian Tribes that lived along the Texas Coast. Ironically, by the year 1860, on the eve of the American Civil War, they had been completely exterminated. There are lagoons, or bays, spread out along the Texas Coast where the Karankawa made their camp sites; mainly because the bottoms were mostly smooth and the water was shallow. These waters enabled them to go out into the pools and in the clear, slowly ebbing water taking the fish and oysters they desired.
THE KARANKAWAS inhabited the Gulf coast from Galveston down to Corpus Christi, mainly coastal prairie grassland, cut by streams and occasional forests. Cabeza de Vaca described the Karankawas as tall (6 ft common), well-built, muscular, the men stark naked, with lower lip and nipples pierced, covered in alligator grease (against mosquitoes), happy and generous, with amazing physical prowess. "... they go naked in the most burning sun ....- in winter they go out in early dawn to take a bath ... breaking the ice with their bodies..."
From the gulf waters - using dugout canoes - they took oysters, clams, scallops, mollusks, turtles, fish, porpoises, alligators and underwater plants. Deer were hunted, occasional buffalo, bear, peccary, smaller mammals, ducks. Berries, nuts, seeds and other plants were gathered. No foods were continuously plentiful, when the harvest was good they gorged to repletion. In spring they might subsist exclusively on oysters, "then for a month they ate blackberries".
Fires for cooking were built in willow pole shelters. Trade with the inland tribes: conch shells in exchange for skins, red ocher, flint, and deer hair (for tassels).
The now-extinct Karankawa Indians played an important role in the early history of Texas. The name Karankawa became the accepted designation for several groups or bands of coastal people who shared a common language and culture. Those bands, identified in early historic times, included the Capoques (Coaques, Cocos), Kohanis, Kopanes (Copanes), and Karankawa proper (Carancaquacas). They inhabited the Gulf Coast of Texas from Galveston Bay southwestward to Corpus Christi Bay. All spoke a little-known language called Karankawa, and only about 100 words of that language have been preserved. The significance of the name Karankawa has not been definitely established, although it is generally believed to mean "dog-lovers" or "dog-raisers." That translation seems plausible, since the Karankawas reportedly kept dogs that were described as a fox-like or coyote-like breed. The Karankawas were poorly equipped, nomadic people who migrated seasonally between the barrier islands and the mainland. Their movements were dictated primarily by the availability of food and secondarily by climate. They obtained food by a combination of hunting, fishing, and gathering. Fish, shellfish, and turtles were staples of the Karankawa diet, but a wide variety of animals and plants contributed to their sustenance.
The first of the Europeans to encounter the Karankawa were the Spaniards. A group led by Panfilo de Narvaez left Spain in 1527, sent by Charles V to conquer and settle Florida. He reached the Florida west Coast near Tampa Bay in April 1528. Narvaez split his forces into two groups, one by sea and the other by land to Appalache. Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca was treasurer of the expedition, which was the inland party; he disagreed with the split. Narvaez marched inland where his forces suffered from Indian attacks and lack of food. When the land force did not appear on schedule, the ships sailed away back to Spain, leaving Narvaez and Cabeza de Vaca stranded. The expedition built crude boats to carry them to Panuco in Mexico. The year was still 1528 when they set out to Mexico with about 100 men. They met with rough water where Narvaez was washed out to sea in a storm near the south Texas Coast. The boats ran aground on the island of Malhado near the present day Galveston, Texas, with about 80 survivors. The Spaniards began on the Texas Coast with a cold winter, raw enough to kill all but fifteen men. Those who survived turned to and devoured the corpses of their dead. The accounts of what happen rest with Cabeza de Vaca, simply because he lived to tell the story. He resided on Malhado for a time, then escaped to the main land, where he was a trader and a slave of the Karankawa.
The problem he had with the Karankawa is they would alternately love and despise him, depending on their mood. In February 1529 the Indians, probably the Coco tribe, which had Cabeza de Vaca in tow, moved inland from Malhado Island. The drinking water was bad, there was little fire wood, and the mosquitoes were in heavy concentrations, but the Oysters were abundant in the bays. Cabeza de Vaca's life was made miserable due to the fact he was forced to work hard pulling edible roots from the water where they grew. His fingers became tender and would bleed. Cabeza de Vaca said that these were the cruelest Indians he met. It was here he fell ill. When he regained his strength he escaped to the Charruco tribe. This Tribe he said was much kinder.
The Karankawa had a strong love and affection for their children. When a child died the entire Tribe mourned for a year, at dawn, noon, and sunset they performed their mourning rite. If a Son or Brother died the family would mourn for a month, and remain in seclusion, refusing to get food. Other Tribe members would bring food to the family. This practice could have been carried to the extremes if a member of every family had died. There is little known about the Karankawa religious beliefs except for their festivals and Mitote, a ceremony performed after a great victory in battle. The festivals were performed during a full moon, after a successful hunting or fishing expedition in a large tent with a burning fire in the middle.
The Karankawa lived along the "coastal bend" of Texas. The coastal bend starts at the west end of Galveston Island and extends southwest down to Corpus Christi. It has several large, shallow bays that reach miles inland and long narrow barrier islands that protect lagoons between the islands and the mainland. The Karankawa lived around these bays and along the lagoons, mostly in the winter. These bays and lagoons supported a rich variety of wildlife. There were many kinds of fish and oysters in the salt water and brackish water. Most of these bays have large rivers that empty into them, such as the Colorado and the Guadalupe. There are also many large creeks in the coastal bend along with swamps and bayous and wetlands. There are many kinds of ducks and waterfowl in this environment. Alligators and large turtles are also found in wetlands and swamps. Just inland there are deer and turkey along with rabbits. In the spring and early summer there are blackberries and many other kinds of plants and roots to eat.
www.indigenouspeople.net
MANIK
Kin 127: Blue Planetary Hand
I perfect in order to know
Producing healing
I seal the store of accomplishment
With the planetary tone of manifestation
I am guided by the power of vision.
That which appears to be the outcome you determine for your life and fate also corresponds to a higher plan already in motion.*
*Star Travelers' 13 Moon Almanac of Synchronicity, Galactic Research Institute, Law of Time Press, Ashland, Oregon, 2015-2016.
Pecos Glazeware bowl from the early Spanish era, displayed in the Park museum.
It is described as a "serpent figure."
Pecos Indians (from P’e’-a-ku’, the Keresan name of the pueblo). Formerly the largest and most populous of the pueblos of New Mexico in historic times, occupied by a people speaking the same language of the Tanoan family, with dialectic variations, as that of Jemez; situated on an upper branch of Pecos River, about 30 miles south east of Santa Fe. In prehistoric times the Pecos people occupied numerous pueblos containing from 200 to 300 rooms each, and many compactly built single-story house groups of from 10 to 50 rooms each. These were scattered along the valley from the north end of Cañon de Pecos grant to Anton Chico, a distance of 40 miles.
At the time of the arrival of the first Spaniards under Coronado, in 1540, the tribe had become concentrated in the great communal structure popularly known as Pecos. According to Bandelier, the Pecos declare that they came into their valley from the south east, but that they originated in the north and shifted across the Rio Grande, occupying successively the pueblos now in ruins at San Jose and Kingman previous to locating at their final settlement.
The principal pueblo of the tribe, according to the same authority, was Tshiquité, or Tziquité (the pueblo of Pecos), which he identifies with the Acuique, Cicuic, Cicuye, etc., of the early Spanish chroniclers. Gatschet1, however, records Sikuyé as an Isleta name of Pecos pueblo, and as the Isleta People are Tigua and Coronado went from Tiguex (Tigua) province directly to Pecos in 1540, it seems more likely that Cicuye in its various forms was the Tigua name of Pecos pueblo in the 16th century. Bandelier thinks it possible that the ruins at Las Ruedas and El Gusano are those of pueblos also occupied by the Pecos people contemporaneously with their principal town at the time of the Spanish advent, and, in deed, Zarate-Salmeron, about 1629, mentions that the tribe at that date occupied also the pueblo of Tuerto, near the present Golden.
At the time of Coronado’s visit Pecos contained 2,000 to 2,500 inhabitants. It consisted of two great communal dwellings, built on the terrace plan, each 4 stories high, and containing 585 and 517 rooms respectively in its ground plan. Two Franciscan friars remained there after Coronado’s departure in 1542, but both were probably killed before the close of the year. Pecos was visited also by Espejo in 1583, Castañode Sosa in 1590-91, and Oñate in 1598, the last calling it Santiago. During the governorship of Oñate the first permanent missionaries were assigned to Pecos, and the great church, so long a landmark on the Santa Fe trail, was erected about 1617. The pueblo suffered severely first at the hands of the Querecho, or Apache of the plains, and after 1700 through raids by the Comanche.
In the revolts of 1680-96 against Spanish authority Pecos played an important part, and its actual decline may be said to have begun at this time. In 1760 Galisteo visited its mission, and, including the latter pueblo, Pecos contained 599 inhabitants in that year. In 1782, however, the Pecos mission was abandoned, its people being ministered to by a priest from Santa Fé. Its population had dwindled to 152 in 1790-93, probably due to a Comanche raid in which nearly every man in the tribe was killed.
Epidemics, brought about by the proximity of the cemetery to the source of water supply, also hastened the diminution of the Pecos people. In 1805 they were reduced to 104, and in 1838 the pueblo was abandoned. The 17 survivors moved to Jemez, where there are now perhaps 25 Indians of Pecos blood, only one of whom, however, was born at the mother pueblo. The names of Pecos ruins, so far as recorded, are Kuuanguala, Pomojoua, San José, Seyupa, and Tonchuun.
www.accessgenealogy.com
CIMI
Kin 126: White Solar World-Bridger
I pulse in order to equalize
Realizing opportunity
I seal the store of death
With the solar tone of intention
I am guided by the power of spirit.
Noosphere Pause: Day 273 (91 x 3) of the 13 Moon year. Any manifestation is an image or vision synchronized by the synchronic order.*
*Star Traveler's 13 Moon Almanac of Synchronicity, Galactic Research Institute, Law of Time Press, Ashland, Oregon, 2015-2016.
Elk Foot of the Pueblo Tribe, painting by E. Irving Couse, 1909.
Piro Pueblo /ˈpɪroʊ/: The Piros (not to be confused with the Piros of the Ucayali basin in Peru) were a Native American Pueblo people that lived in a number of pueblos in the Rio Grande Valley around modern Socorro, New Mexico, USA. The now extinct Piro language was in the family of Tiwa languages. Whether voluntarily or not, some Piros were hospitable to the first Spanish colonists who arrived in 1598. As a result, the Spanish gave first one, then another, Piro pueblo the name Socorro, which means aid or help (in case of problems or difficulties). In later years, however, the Piros like most other Pueblo groups suffered increasingly from the strains of colonial rule. Local rebellions broke out on several occasions in the 1660s and 70s, but the Spaniards always retained the upper hand. By the time of the Pueblo Revolt of 1680, the Piro communities had declined to such an extent that the famous rebellion took place without them. Several hundred Piros accompanied (again voluntarily or not) the fleeing Spaniards south to El Paso del Norte (present-day Ciudad Juárez, Mexico); others scattered and joined other Pueblo groups. None of the Piro pueblos was ever resettled by the original inhabitants. Very little is known about the Piros. Currently there is an archaeological excavation which is actively pursued annually in June and July, in a location near Luis Lopez, five miles south of present-day Socorro.
CHICCHAN
Kin 125: Red Galactic Serpent
I harmonize in order to survive
Modeling instinct
I seal the store of life force
With the galactic tone of integrity
I am guided by the power of universal water.
A new world awaits us on the other side of the historical mind stream.*
*Star Traveler's 13 Moon Almanac of Synchronicity, Galactic Research Institute, Law of Time Press, Ashland, Oregon, 2015-2016.
